Implementing Anton’s Law in Maryland

Miranda Spivack and Rebecca Snyder

A person stands outdoors next to a vehicle overlayed with the text

A community group in Montgomery County was asked to pay $95,000 for copies of police discipline and complaint records, which, under a 2021 change in Maryland law, are no longer automatically private.



Local public defenders in Baltimore seeking those records have been told to pay as little as $10 to the Harford County Sheriff’s Office but as much as $224,000 to the Calvert County Sheriff’s Office and nearly $500,000 to the Montgomery County Police Department.


Reporters in Washington and Baltimore and student journalists at the University of Maryland say they have received some internal police discipline records they’ve requested, but also have encountered long delays and huge fees.


Anton’s Law, formally known as the Maryland Police Accountability Act of 2021, went into effect on Oct. 1, 2021. The measure makes internal police discipline and complaint records available to the public, erasing an exemption that had placed them off limits under the Maryland Public Information Act. Until Anton’s Law was enacted, members of the public could not find out if police officers in Maryland had been disciplined for misconduct or were the subject of numerous complaints reviewed by internal police investigators.


But five months since taking effect, Anton’s Law has not yet lived up to its promise.

Anton’s Law is named for Anton Black, a 19-year-old Black man from Greensboro in Caroline County, Md., who died in 2018 in police custody, after he was wrestled to the ground by three white officers and a white civilian bearing a Confederate emblem. While Black was struggling to breathe, his mother was standing nearby, witnessing the encounter and shouting his name.

Black’s death, several other deaths in police custody in Maryland, and the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020 in police custody helped spur Maryland lawmakers last year to take steps to open up information about police conduct, discipline, complaints and work history.


While some Maryland law enforcement agencies are now providing, upon request, documents that Anton’s Law says are now public records, many departments are struggling to comply with the law. Advocates for police transparency, defense lawyers and journalists say their requests for documents and data have been met with a wide range of responses — and many have not even been acknowledged.


“We would certainly argue that the legislature has determined that these records are in the public interest,” said Deborah Jeon, the legal director of the Maryland branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, which often relies on obtaining law enforcement and other government records without incurring high fees. And the legislature’s intent with Anton’s Law, she said, was minimal fees and expansive public disclosure by Maryland law enforcement agencies.

Anton’s Law works in tandem with the Maryland Public Information Act, which requires state and local governments to provide broad access to their records.


The MPIA, as it is commonly called, also gives requesters the right to ask for data and documents for free, or minimal cost, if they can show that public disclosure serves the public interest.


But the state’s largest police departments say they need more funds and more staffing to comply with new requirements under Anton’s Law. The upshot is that some law enforcement agencies in Maryland say they are being compelled to produce reams of documents, videos and audios without new employees or money to pay for the thousands of hours of work they say it takes.


In Montgomery County, Assistant Police Chief Darren Francke said the police department has about 1,500 internal investigative files that could be eligible for disclosure under Anton’s Law. Each contains between 200 and 5,000 pieces of paper, he said, and many also have video and audio. All must be reviewed to ensure that private information and other data that the MPIA says can be withheld are not inadvertently disclosed.


Little, if any of the paper, is digitized, though the Montgomery department is beginning to scan documents and create digital files, which eventually will make it easier to review and release the material. The department has asked County Executive Marc Elrich, a Democrat, to include more money for Anton’s Law in his budget proposal, which will be released on March 15 but must then win approval from the County Council. Elrich’s budget proposal includes about $427,000 for additional staffing — some civilians and some sworn officers — to improve compliance with Anton’s Law, according to Scott Peterson, a spokesman for Elrich.

“We are working very hard. We have many people assigned to work on this,” Francke said. “It is not our intent not to answer requests.”


The Baltimore Police Department and the Prince George’s County Police Department are reporting similar issues.


In Baltimore, police spokeswoman Lindsey Eldridge wrote in an email that the department is “staffing up … to better fulfill all MPIA requests.” But because of the high volume of requests, she wrote, the department plans to contract with an outside firm that will provide contract lawyers to help review the material. “This will come at a cost, either to the department or the requestor, which is determined on a case-by-case basis as provided by state law. BPD intends to fulfill these requests and does not intend to redact officer names. While we’re experiencing some logistical challenges getting this operation off the ground, that should not be misinterpreted as resistance or lack of transparency.”


In Prince George’s, where advocates and journalists say the process has been particularly slow, Gina Ford, a spokeswoman for County Executive Angela Alsobrooks, a Democrat, wrote in an email that the “county is working diligently to meet these mandates.”


But she predicted “a greater strain on county resources.” The email said the county plans to continue to charge fees for record requests if they require more than two hours to fulfill, as the Public Information Act allows.


Elena Russo, a spokeswoman for Maryland State Police, wrote in an email that the agency had received 26 requests for personnel records under Anton’s Law since the law took effect.

Police provided information in 17 cases (other requests were pending or withdrawn, or there were no matching records). Of the 17, police did not charge for records in 14 cases and had minimal charges in two. In the remaining case, there was an $1,822 charge for an extensive request, Russo wrote.


The push for greater transparency


When the General Assembly approved Anton’s Law in 2021 — sponsored by state Sen. Jill P. Carter (D-Baltimore) and Del. Gabriel Acevero (D-Montgomery) — Maryland joined several other states, including California, Colorado, Massachusetts and New York, in opening up internal police discipline and complaint records. Most have pushed ahead with the disclosure laws despite considerable resistance from police unions, and in some cases, police chiefs.

However, some chiefs who manage law enforcement agencies around the country have said they would welcome more transparency, because they, too, are often prevented from getting access to officers’ internal personnel records, a limit frequently written in to state and local government contracts negotiated with police unions.


In Maryland, Anton’s Law took effect after legislators overrode Republican Gov. Larry Hogan’s veto of the bill and several other bills requiring more public accountability from law enforcement.


But the General Assembly may not have fully accounted for how police agencies would react to Anton’s Law. The legislators did not include additional funding or apply pressure to local governments to fund the law, which may partly explain the resistance to disclosure and the high fees to locate, review and provide the documents. (An MDDC review in 2019 found that Maryland police agencies traditionally charge much higher fees for records than other government entities do.)


On March 15, a bill Carter proposed to place limits on fees that law enforcement charges for police misconduct records will be the subject of a legislative hearing.

Carter wrote in an email that it’s hard to measure the impact of Anton’s Law based on several months.


“What we do know, however, is that some jurisdictions have forestalled specific components from being enacted. For example, some police departments charge astronomical fees to obtain public information, and some have outright refused its release,” she wrote. She expects her bill limiting fees to help.


“I unquestionably believe that, when in its full implementation, Anton’s Law will be the defining standard of police accountability for the rest of the country,” Carter wrote.


Law aims for more transparency in policing


The goal of Anton’s Law is to make it easier for the public to gain access to information about officers disciplined or in some other way penalized in internal probes or who had numerous complaints lodged against them, and whether they had similar issues in previous employment.

The effect of the law was to revise how the Maryland Public Information Act handled internal police discipline and complaint records. The records had been exempted from disclosure under the public information law and treated as non-public personnel records, an exemption that continues to apply to other state and local government employees.


Anton’s Law reclassified police internal records so that they are no longer considered exempt personnel records.


A recent ruling by a three-judge panel of the Maryland Court of Special Appeals, the middle statewide appellate court, has given supporters hope that law enforcement agencies will do more to comply. The ruling, which still could be reviewed by the state’ highest court, said that the Baltimore Police Department must hand over a set of discipline records at no cost, and found that the police department “arbitrarily and capriciously denied” a request from Baltimore Action Legal Team, a nonprofit advocacy group, to waive fees of $1,421,082.50 for the records “to which (BALT) was entitled.”


Matthew Zernhelt, head of litigation for BALT, said he was encouraged by his organization’s victory in the Feb. 7 ruling, and would prefer the issue to play out in the courts, rather than enact Carter’s proposed limits on fees — depending on whether the appellate court ruling stands.


Separately, the Maryland branch of the American Civil Liberties Union recently sued the Calvert County Sheriff’s Office and the sheriff for refusing to provide documents and videos unless the ACLU paid $12,000 for records. The ACLU said the records might provide information about the police use of strip searches and body cavity searches, which the ACLU said has targeted Black people.


Giving police officers a chance to block disclosure


Another issue that could slow down or stymie requests in Montgomery County is a recent agreement with the police union to give the officers whose records are sought by the public 10 days to review them and potentially take steps to formally oppose release. Francke, the assistant chief, said that so far, no officers have used the review time to block release of documents.


That review system is far from unique. State and local governments often have similar agreements to give advance notice to private companies with government contracts. Cable companies and Amazon, for instance, regularly seek advance notice that a member of the public is seeking information about them.


Those arrangements often are written into their agreements with state and local governments, giving them time to mount a legal effort to block release.


Compiling a statewide database


At the University of Maryland’s Philip Merrill College of Journalism, students working with journalism professors are compiling a statewide database of records disclosed under Anton’s Law.


Sean Mussenden, the data editor for the journalism school’s Howard Center for Investigative Journalism, said student reporters made about 120 records requests to Maryland police agencies. The results are trickling in, slowly. Part of the challenge is that police across the state do not have a uniform system for tracking cases, Mussenden said.


In some cases, smaller departments use paper records; others track with software programs. And the infractions that are logged vary widely — one officer may get written up for failing to wear his uniform properly; another for excessive force.


All may appear on the same spreadsheet, which the University of Maryland reporters are sifting through to figure out which are the most significant cases. Then they want to return to the police departments for more details for those cases. That, too, is contributing to a slowed response, and in some cases, requests for big fees.


“The sticking point has been the case files themselves,” Mussenden said. He said he understood that reviewing those before releasing them publicly could take police departments more time and effort, and could come with a cost.


But the price tags have ranged greatly. Some police department want to show the records to a lawyer whose hourly cost is usually in the hundreds of dollars. Others will run them by a clerk, who is well versed in the law, but whose hourly cost is substantially less.


“We have seen huge variations in fees,” Mussenden said, from about $250 per hour for a lawyer to about $30 per hour for a clerk to review the documents.


Documents released for smaller requests


Justin Fenton, a reporter with The Baltimore Banner, formerly with The Baltimore Sun, has been seeking a wide range of records from the city’s police department for several years. Since Anton’s Law took effect, he has received records of internal investigations involving three officers, he said. But it has been slow and frustrating, he said, part of a pattern of delays from the Baltimore Police Department and other city agencies he has experienced for years.

“Some agencies feel they do not have to comply at all. They are reading the law differently. But the whole point of this was to create transparency,” he said.


Late last year, The Capital Gazette asked Anne Arundel County police for records under Anton’s Law and was rebuffed by department attorney Christine Ryder, who said disclosure could have a “chilling effect” on police and would be contrary to the public interest. Shortly after Fenton contacted the department, it reversed course and agreed to provide records.


Steve Thompson, a reporter for The Washington Post, wrote in an email that he has yet to receive records from Baltimore, Prince George’s County or Montgomery County police departments, but that Maryland State Police produced documents. He filed about 150 requests across the state.


“I would estimate more than two-thirds of the agencies have responded in some way, and most of these have produced internal affairs records or data. The great majority of those who have provided records or data have done so for free,” Thompson wrote.


“Only a few have charged what I would consider to be unreasonable fees. In most cases, I’m able to work with a department to narrow requests so that the labor in fulfilling them is not too burdensome, and that helps keep the fees down.”


He has filed two complaints about fees to the Maryland Public Information Act Compliance Board.


In Montgomery County, Joanna Silver, a defense lawyer active with the community-based Silver Spring Justice Coalition, said her group sought records in a handful of cases. While the coalition did not receive complete records within the 30-day deadline by which government entities must at least acknowledge a request, Silver said that the Montgomery County Sheriff’s Office and the Gaithersburg Police Department eventually provided the records without charging any fees.


Her organization also negotiated with the Montgomery County Police Department to narrow a request, eliminating the original $95,000 fee the department originally said it needed to charge once the group agreed to forego video footage, she said.


Angela Valdez, a staff investigator for the federal public defender’s office, which covers all of Maryland, also reported mixed responses to the agency’s requests. The St. Mary’s County Sheriff’s Office complied relatively quickly and without a fee for information about one deputy, she said.


“Compared to everybody else, it was outstanding,” she said.


In Prince George’s County, the police department responded quickly to Valdez — in about 90 minutes — but only to say that the file Valdez’s office needed could not be released under the law because it was part of an investigative file exempt from disclosure. (Once an investigation is completed, files can be released, but some departments spend months or years on an internal investigation, a move that some seeking records believe can be a delay tactic.)


Lisa Kershner, the Maryland public access ombudsman, who often mediates complaints about public records disputes, declined to describe what her office is seeing and hearing about how Anton’s Law is working. She said doing so could affect the perception that she is a neutral arbiter when she mediates complaints about record access. Kershner’s office produces annual reports near the end of each calendar year that could offer some clues.


While police agencies and the public grapple over Anton’s Law, Black’s family is moving ahead with a federal wrongful death lawsuit that could provide more pressure for police accountability. With support from the Maryland branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, Black’s family sued officers; the state medical examiner, who had ruled the death accidental; the three towns where the officers served (Centreville, Greensboro and Ridgely and the two police chiefs involved in the case.


The case alleges a wide range of violations. The family’s lawsuit recently survived a motion by defendants to dismiss the case, and is slated to proceed.


Miranda S. Spivack is a former reporter and editor for The Washington Post. She has written extensively about open government issues for Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting and the McClatchy newspapers. Follow her on Twitter @mirandareporter and https://www.mirandaspivack.com.


What is Anton’s Law?


By Rebecca Snyder


Last year, Maryland’s General Assembly passed the groundbreaking Anton’s Law (the Maryland Police Accountability Act of 2021) to bring more transparency to police discipline records by making them available under Maryland’s Public Information Act.


The movement for reform began with the 2018 death of Anton Black, a 19-year-old Black teen who died in police custody after being restrained by three police officers in Caroline County on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. He was one of 31 people who died that year through the actions of police, according to the Governor’s Office of Crime Control and Prevention, Youth and Victim Services.


Black’s case was soon closed by the Maryland State Police and the three officers involved were cleared both criminally and administratively, but his family had questions about the investigation.


Under the state law in effect at the time, Marylanders who filed a complaint of police misconduct could not find out how the department investigated the complaint, or, in many cases, even its outcome. Those complaints were considered part of the “personnel record” of a police officer, and all personnel records were shielded under the Public Information Act.

A wide coalition of advocates worked for several years to get the legislature to pass Anton’s Law in 2021.


Starting Oct. 1, 2021, police internal discipline and complaint records are considered separate from personnel records, so they would be accessible under the Public Information Act. If the records are part of an ongoing investigation, they may still be shielded as “investigatory” and exempt from the Public Information Act.


Other government employee personnel records remain exempt from disclosure.

There will be a panel discussion on Monday, March 21, about what Anton’s Law means for public records and where advocates and journalists go from here. The panelists will be moderated by Miranda Spivack, author of “Implementing Anton’s Law,” and will include Maryland State Sen. Jill Carter (District 41), Maryland Del. Gabriel Acevero, Yanet Amanuel of the American Civil Liberties Union, and Matt Zernhelt of Baltimore Action Legal Team. The panel is free and open to the public. Register here.


Rebecca Snyder is the executive director of the Maryland-Delaware-D.C. Press Association.


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February 2, 2026
The relationship between public relations and local news has always required care, trust, and clarity. In 2026, that relationship matters more than ever. Local newsrooms are operating with fewer resources, tighter timelines, and growing responsibility to the communities they serve. At the same time, PR professionals are navigating a crowded information environment where visibility is harder to earn and credibility is easier to lose. Episode 153 of Five Dubs , the MDDC Press Association podcast, brought those realities into focus. In a wide-ranging conversation with editors from Baltimore Fishbowl , The Daily Record , and The Afro , one message came through clearly: strong PR–media relationships are built on understanding how local news actually works today—not how we wish it worked. Here’s what PR professionals should know heading into 2026. Local News Has Less Time — Not Lower Standards Shrinking newsrooms are not a new story. But the implications are often misunderstood. Editors and reporters are covering more beats with fewer people. That means there is less time for follow-ups, rewrites, and clarification. What it does not mean is that standards have changed. Verification still matters. Relevance still matters. Accuracy still matters. For PR professionals, this means: Lead with the most important facts, clearly and early Explain why the information matters to a specific audience Make sourcing transparent and easy to verify A clear, well-focused pitch respects a newsroom’s time and increases the chance that a story will be considered on its merits. One Media Landscape, Many Missions One of the strongest takeaways from Episode 153 is that “local media” is not a single thing. Each outlet represented serves a distinct audience: Baltimore Fishbowl balances lifestyle and hard news for a growing regional readership The Daily Record focuses on business, legal, and government coverage statewide The Afro centers Black communities, with deep reporting on culture, policy, faith, and local impact The same announcement may be relevant to all three—but not for the same reason. Effective PR in 2026 means shaping pitches to fit the outlet’s mission, audience, and coverage priorities. Generic outreach is easy to spot and easy to dismiss. Thoughtful framing signals respect and preparation. Relationships Matter More Than Distribution Mass distribution tools are everywhere. Trusted relationships are not. Editors emphasized that familiarity and reliability make a difference. Knowing what an outlet covers, understanding who handles which beats, and offering useful information—before you need coverage—builds credibility over time. PR professionals who act as informed colleagues rather than transactional messengers are more likely to be remembered when a relevant story breaks. This is not about exclusivity. It’s about consistency, accuracy, and mutual respect. AI Is in the Workflow — Judgment Is Not Artificial intelligence is already part of newsroom operations, supporting tasks like transcription, research, and workflow efficiency. But editorial judgment remains human. Editors are still responsible for deciding: Which stories serve their communities Which sources are credible How information is framed and contextualized AI-generated pitches that sound polished but lack substance are easy to spot. What stands out instead is real expertise, local knowledge, and accountability. In 2026, trust is still built person to person—even when tools are involved. Embargoes and Timing Matter One practical point that resonated across the panel: timing can make or break a story . Embargoed information, when used appropriately, helps small newsrooms plan coverage and prepare thoughtful reporting. Last-minute requests—especially for non-breaking stories—are harder to accommodate. On the flip side, reporters often operate on tight deadlines when news is breaking. Understanding that pressure works both ways strengthens collaboration. Good PR anticipates newsroom realities rather than reacting to them. Not Every Story Is Daily News — And That’s Okay A recurring theme was the importance of matching stories to the right format. Not every announcement is suited for daily editorial coverage. That doesn’t mean it lacks value. Editors discussed multiple paths for visibility: Feature stories tied to broader trends Special sections and editorial calendars Honorifics and recognition programs Sponsored content when appropriate Understanding these options—and being open to them—helps organizations reach audiences without forcing a story into the wrong frame. Community Voices Are Still Underrepresented Across outlets, editors agreed: the most underreported voices are often the people most affected by policies and programs. Announcements about funding, initiatives, or leadership changes are stronger when paired with: Voices from the community People doing the day-to-day work Individuals directly impacted PR professionals can play a critical role by helping newsrooms connect with those voices—not just institutional spokespeople. This approach doesn’t dilute a message. It strengthens it. Underreported Stories Still Need Help Surfacing Editors also pointed to gaps in coverage that PR can help address: Local economic development beyond major institutions Emerging industries and small business ecosystems Regional stories outside major population centers New and diverse expert voices Surfacing these stories requires context, patience, and an understanding of how they fit into a newsroom’s existing coverage. What This Means for PR in 2026 The future of PR and local news is not adversarial. It is interdependent. Strong earned media outcomes come from: Clear, fact-based communication Respect for editorial independence Alignment with audience needs Long-term relationship building In a fragmented media environment, credibility remains the most valuable currency. Local news organizations are not just content distributors. They are community institutions. PR professionals who understand that—and work within it—will be better positioned to tell meaningful stories in 2026 and beyond.
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January 30, 2026
January 30, 2026 It rarely starts with a headline-grabbing showdown. More often, it looks like small frictions that most people never see: a reporter is suddenly barred from a public building they’ve covered for years. A records request that used to take weeks now takes months. A newsroom has to spend money on legal help instead of reporting. A source hesitates to speak—because they’re not sure what could happen next. Individually, those moments can sound technical. Taken together, they add up to something communities feel: less trustworthy local news and information, less clarity about what government is doing, and fewer answers when it matters most. That was the focus of a recent Five Dubs conversation between MDDC Executive Director Rebecca Snyder and media attorney Max Mishkin (Ballard Spahr), who helps staff MDDC’s pro bono legal hotline. Their discussion was wide-ranging, but the throughline was simple: when it becomes harder to gather and share verified information, the public loses out. (The interview also included Max’s note that his firm represents the Associated Press in related litigation; he spoke in his personal capacity.) A Series of Signals Over the past year, journalists have watched several developments unfold at once. There have been federal searches involving reporters. Press access at the Pentagon and the White House has narrowed. Public media has been defunded at the federal level. Public records systems have slowed or weakened. Government-funded news outlets have faced new pressure over editorial decisions. Any one of these developments might be explained away as temporary or situational. Mishkin cautioned against viewing them in isolation. When access, transparency, and legal protections are all strained at the same time, the impact compounds. For journalists, that means more obstacles to doing routine work. For the public, it means fewer opportunities to understand how decisions are being made and why they matter. This isn’t a “press problem.” It’s an information problem. When people hear about disputes over access at the White House or Pentagon, it can sound like an inside-baseball Washington story. But the effects don’t stay in Washington. Mishkin put it plainly: when you make it harder for reporters to do routine newsgathering, you end up with a less reliably informed public—and that has real consequences for everyday life. That’s because local news and information doesn’t just summarize what happened. It adds what the internet often doesn’t: Context (what this decision means in real life) Verification (what’s true, what’s rumor, what’s missing) Accountability (who decided, who benefits, who’s responsible) Those are the building blocks of trust—and they’re hard to produce when access is reduced, records are delayed, or legal threats escalate. Access isn’t a perk. It’s how accurate reporting happens. Some public institutions allow credentialed reporters to work on-site—not to make them “insiders,” but because proximity enables accuracy. Mishkin discussed how the Pentagon press corps has responsibly reported from inside the building for decades, including in moments of crisis. When access is abruptly narrowed, the practical result is predictable: more reporting based on official statements, fewer opportunities to observe directly, and less ability to ask questions in real time. That matters because the strongest reporting often comes from persistent, on-the-ground coverage—especially when the story is complicated, fast-moving, or high-stakes. When public media is weakened, gaps widen fast. One of the clearest community impacts discussed in the episode: public media. In major metro areas, people can often find multiple sources of local news and information. In many parts of the country, that’s not true. Public radio and public television stations frequently serve as the most consistent source of: emergency alerts school and local government coverage public health updates regional reporting that commercial outlets no longer staff When public media funding is threatened or reduced, it doesn’t just mean “less programming.” In some places, it can mean no reliable local source at all —especially for people who can’t afford multiple subscriptions or who live in communities with limited coverage. Records delayed can mean accountability denied. Public records laws exist so residents can understand what the government is doing. But in practice, most people don’t have the time to chase requests, interpret complex documents, and translate them into usable information. That’s where local newsrooms step in. Mishkin noted that journalists generally don’t have “special rights” under the First Amendment that other members of the public don’t—yet in some records processes (like FOIA), journalists can receive different treatment in specific ways (like fee waivers, expedited processing, and attorney-fee recovery in litigation). Those provisions exist for a reason: getting verified information to the public quickly is a public benefit. When records systems slow down, consolidate, or quietly deprioritize requests, the impact is cumulative: fewer documents obtained fewer investigations completed fewer clear answers for residents And because local newsrooms often work with tight budgets, delays and fees can stop accountability reporting before it starts. Legal pressure changes what gets covered—even when nothing is “censored.” Not all constraints look like a ban. Mishkin explained how subpoenas, searches, and defamation lawsuits shape newsroom decisions behind the scenes. Even when a newsroom ultimately wins a legal fight, the cost is real: money and time spent on legal defense is money and time not spent on reporting. One of the most important points from the conversation: self-censorship is hard to measure . When reporters worry that certain coverage could cost them access, funding, or trigger legal retaliation, stories can get softened—or dropped. The public never sees what didn’t run, so it’s hard to “prove” what was lost. But the community still feels the effect over time: thinner coverage, fewer watchdog stories, and less confidence in what’s true. “Safety” is often used as the justification. Here’s what gets missed. A recurring theme in public debates is that restrictions are about safety or security. Mishkin challenged the idea that responsible reporting is inherently a safety risk. Journalists regularly make judgment calls about what to publish and what to hold, especially around sensitive matters. More importantly, cutting off access can reduce the reporting that helps communities understand waste, failures, or risks inside major institutions—information that can protect both public dollars and public safety. In other words: reducing trustworthy information doesn’t automatically make communities safer. It can do the opposite—by limiting scrutiny and weakening early warning systems. What you can do: small actions that strengthen trustworthy local information This doesn’t require being a media expert. It starts with a simple commitment: choose verified local news and information as part of your routine. Here are practical ways to help keep reliable reporting strong and available when it matters most: Subscribe to at least one local source you trust (even if you also read national outlets). Share reporting that helps neighbors make decisions —especially around schools, safety, local government, and community resources. Support state-level policies that reduce legal “noise” designed to intimidate (for example, strong anti-SLAPP protections and reporter shield laws). If you value public media, say so. In many communities, it’s a core source of trustworthy local information. And if you’re able: consider contributing to efforts that expand access to reporting for everyone, not just those who can pay. When access to information shrinks, the public doesn’t just get fewer headlines. We get fewer verified answers about decisions that shape our schools, our safety, our taxes, and our rights. We get less transparency, less accountability, and more room for rumor to fill the gaps. Local news and information is not about “protecting an industry.” It’s about making sure our communities can see clearly, make informed decisions, and solve problems with shared facts. That’s worth sustaining—quietly, consistently, and together. Listen to the full podcast here . Want to support Five Dubs and local reporting in our region? Subscribe, share an episode with a neighbor, and consider donating to the MDDC Press Foundation (501(c)(3)).
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January 23, 2026
January 13, 2026  The 2026 MDDC Annual Conference returns to Annapolis on May 8, 2026, uniting hundreds of journalists, advertisers, and decision-makers from across the region. Explore sponsorship packages to elevate your brand and champion a strong, independent press.
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January 15, 2026
January 14, 2026 – The MDDC Press Association strongly condemns the FBI’s search of the home of Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson—an extraordinary and deeply troubling action that threatens press freedom and the public’s right to know. Searches of journalists’ homes are exceedingly rare for good reason. While government investigations into unauthorized disclosures are not uncommon, Natanson is neither accused of a crime nor identified as a target of the FBI’s investigation. Federal and state laws, along with long-standing Department of Justice policies, are explicitly designed to protect journalists and their sources from precisely this kind of intrusion. This action represents yet another step in a sustained erosion of press freedoms—one that fosters fear, intimidation, and harassment of journalists whose role is to inform the public and hold power to account. It bears repeating: in the United States, it is not a crime for journalists to obtain or publish classified information. As Bruce D. Brown, president of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, aptly stated, the search of Natanson’s home constitutes “a tremendous escalation in the administration’s intrusions into the independence of the press.” Washington Post Executive Editor Matt Murray rightly characterized the search as an “extraordinary, aggressive action,” reaffirming the institution’s “long history of zealous support for robust press freedoms” and its unwavering commitment to that work. The implications of this raid extend far beyond a single reporter or newsroom. When law enforcement crosses this line, it sends a chilling message to journalists everywhere and undermines the constitutional protections that safeguard a free and independent press. Such actions ultimately harm the public interest by discouraging investigative reporting and weakening transparency in government. The MDDC Press Association calls on federal authorities to respect both the letter and the spirit of press freedom protections and to reaffirm their commitment to the First Amendment. A free press is not an obstacle to democracy—it is essential to its survival. MDDC champions local news media organizations and advocates for press freedom. We stand with journalists and advocate for freedom of the press, ethical standards, and the rights of media professionals to do their work without fear, harassment or violence.
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January 13, 2026
The Center for Integrity in News Reporting is now accepting entries for its annual journalism awards recognizing objective and impartial reporting published in 2025. The program includes six $25,000 cash prizes—now featuring a new Investigative Reporting category—and there are no entry fees. Journalists and editors may submit work directly.
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